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CHAPTER 6 Boundaries and electoral system for regional
assemblies
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Chapter
summary |
- We propose to use the
existing regional boundaries for elected assemblies.
- Assemblies will be able to
organise their business on a sub-regional basis and to develop and
maintain existing cross-boundary relationships, where these
arrangements add value.
- Assemblies will decide where
their headquarters should be located.
- We propose to adopt the
Additional Member System form of proportional representation for
assembly elections. Around two-thirds of an assembly’s members
will be elected under the first-past-the-post system, with the
remainder elected from a single ‘top-up’ constituency for the
region. The overall composition of an assembly should therefore be
broadly proportional to the votes cast for each party.
- A party will need a minimum
of five per cent of the vote before it can return a ‘top-up’
member.
- Elections will be held every
four years.
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REGIONAL ASSEMBLY BOUNDARIES
6.1 The Government proposes that the
boundaries of elected regional assemblies should be as shown in the box on page
8. These are now the most widely accepted and used regional boundaries.
6.2 These regions:
- are the standard statistical regions
used by the Office of National Statistics, and are used as the
administrative boundaries by the Government Offices for the regions,
Regional Development Agencies, and a number of other parts of central
government. The Government believes that they should be used wherever
possible by central government bodies that have a regional organisation.
Where such bodies currently use different regional boundaries, the
Government has a strong presumption in favour of moving to these boundaries
when the organisation is next reviewed (see the Modernising Government White
Paper, from 1999). They also form the constituencies for elections to the
European Parliament, and the 2001 White Paper on House of Lords reform
proposed that they should form the constituencies for which regional members
of the reformed House might be elected;
- are a credible size to support a
regional assembly. Although regions differ greatly in size in some other
countries (for example, in Germany, Spain and Italy), regions significantly
smaller than the Government Office regions would raise major questions about
the distinction between regional and local government. On the other hand,
regions based on these boundaries are large enough to take a strategic view
between the national and local levels and to add real value without
undermining the role of local government;
- have a reasonably high level of
public recognition. For example, a survey carried out for The Economist in
1999 found that in six out of the eight Government Office regions outside
London over three-quarters of respondents could name the administrative
region in which they lived. Only in Yorkshire and the Humber (66 per cent)
and the East of England (52 per cent) was the figure below this level. These
levels of recognition are high bearing in mind that the organisations
currently based on these regions are not ones that most people will
encounter in their daily lives, and that no particular effort has been made
to publicise their boundaries. Annex A contains more detailed information
about each region;
- are increasingly being used by
private sector bodies in order to provide better co-ordination with public
sector partners. With only minor variations or amalgamations in a few cases,
the Confederation of British Industry, chambers of commerce, Trades Union
Congress, Friends of the Earth and Council for the Protection of Rural
England, as well as many voluntary sector organisations, have based their
regional structures on the
Government Office boundaries.
6.3 It could be argued that there is an
important difference between public recognition of a region and public
acceptance or allegiance. The Government accepts this distinction, which is one
reason why our policy is to establish regional assemblies only where there has
been a positive vote for one in a referendum. But in terms of deciding the
boundaries of the regions within which people will be able to vote,
international evidence indicates that it is not necessary for a region to have a
strong historic identity in order to create a modern political one. There are
examples of regions created administratively in recent times which have
developed and maintained a coherent identity and strategic framework – such as
the French region of Rhône-Alpes and many of the German Länder.
6.4 More generally, the Government
believes that a prolonged debate over the composition of individual regions is
likely to generate a good deal of fervour, but with no obvious prospect that
boundaries that are more widely acceptable or practicable would emerge at the
end. So our current view is that the existing standard regional boundaries are
the right ones.
6.5 The Government has not completely
ruled out in the longer term the possibility of adopting boundaries for regional
assemblies that do not follow the existing boundaries. For instance, a future
government may, at some stage, want to change Government Office or Regional
Development Agency boundaries for reasons not directly connected to elected
regional assemblies. In those circumstances, it would clearly be necessary to
keep actual or prospective regional assembly boundaries in line. We therefore
intend to build on the existing mechanism for changing Regional Development
Agency boundaries, so that in exceptional circumstances in the longer term
regional assembly boundaries could be altered. In the short to medium term, we
do not plan any changes.
6.6 Whatever the regional boundaries,
the Government believes that regional assemblies should:
- work for their region as a whole,
not just the dominant urban centres;
- take full account of their
sub-regions and organise their activities sub-regionally when necessary or
desirable (such as participating in relevant sub-regional partnerships);
- develop and maintain existing
crossboundary relationships where these add value. The establishment of
regional assemblies is entirely compatible with the continuation of local
authority co-operation across regional boundaries.
LOCATION OF AN ELECTED ASSEMBLY
WITHIN A REGION
6.7 It will be for an assembly to
decide on the best way to meet its accommodation requirements, including the
location of its headquarters and whether some of its proceedings should take
place at different venues across the region. However, an interim solution will
be needed to ensure that an assembly can be up and running from the outset. The
Government will therefore ensure that suitable accommodation is available
initially. In doing so, we will consult the existing chamber in the region
concerned to hear its views on the preferred location and will also take account
of any suitable buildings in the region which might have spare capacity.
Provided that it represents value for money, any initial accommodation will
probably be subject to a short-term lease, so that an assembly can make its own
decision.
THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM FOR REGIONAL
ASSEMBLIES
6.8 The voting system for regional
assembly elections must:
• promote inclusiveness, so that
assemblies reflect the interests of the range of communities across all parts of
their region; • strike a balance between ensuring that voters have an
identifiable constituency representative and encouraging assembly members to
take a region-wide view of their responsibilities.
6.9 The Government believes that these
two objectives would be best achieved using some form of proportional
representation (PR):
- PR provides an assembly membership
whose balance more closely reflects the share of votes cast. Voting patterns
in England are such that in many – perhaps even most – regions a
first-past-the-post system would lead to single-party dominance, with little
realistic prospect of changes of control. Based on previous general election
results, probably only an assembly in the South West would not give a single
party a very clear working majority of members;
- in some regions – such as the
North East – the largest party would generally be so dominant under a
first-past-the-post system that, simply to give the other parties enough
members to have a chance of constituting an effective opposition, the size
of an assembly would need to be far larger than the Government believes is
necessary or desirable;
- it encourages assembly members to
take a region-wide view by avoiding representation in the assembly being
linked to relatively small constituencies. It also means that regional
assembly constituencies will not mirror parliamentary or local government
constituencies and will thus avoid potential tensions;
- PR can facilitate diversity in the
selection of candidates by political parties. For instance, some forms of PR
include candidate lists which parties could use to achieve a better balance
in the selection of their candidates across the region.
6.10 The Government’s preference for
some form of PR for regional assembly elections does not mean that PR is
necessarily the right model for parliamentary or local government elections,
both of which currently use first-past-the-post.
The Additional Member System
6.11 The Government proposes to adopt
the Additional Member System (AMS) for regional assembly elections. This system
is already used for elections to the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly
for Wales and the Greater London Assembly. It means that a regional assembly
will have a majority of members representing individual constituencies and
elected by the ‘first-past-the-post’ system, with a minority being elected
from regional lists to ensure that the overall representation in an assembly is
broadly representative of the votes cast. Each voter would have two votes: one
for a constituency member and one for the ‘top-up’ regional list. The system
is described in detail in annex G.
6.12 AMS has a number of advantages:
- it ensures that all voters have an
identifiable constituency representative, and that counties and sub-regions
which have a distinct identity within their region can elect at least one
constituency member to represent their interests
- but at the same time the relatively
large constituencies and top-up members should avoid tensions between
assembly members and MPs representing the same constituencies and encourage
assemblies to take a region-wide view of their responsibilities;
- it gives voters a wider choice than
most forms of PR, so that, for example, they can vote for a popular
independent candidate in their constituency whilst still supporting their
preferred party with their top-up vote;
- it is relatively simple to
understand.
6.13 AMS is a flexible electoral system
and there are a number of details which can make an important difference to how
it works in practice. The Government proposes that:
- the proportion of top-up seats in
any region will be around 33 to 35 per cent of all seats in the assembly.
This is similar to the top-up proportion for the National Assembly for
Wales, which is one-third of all seats. The Government intends to ask the
Electoral Commission to advise on the boundaries of constituencies within
regions which vote for an elected assembly. Until the exact number of seats
in any assembly is known (see chapter 7), it is not possible to specify an
exact percentage of top-up members for regional assemblies;
- constituencies will be based on
existing local authority areas. In most cases, constituencies would comprise
one or more unitary or district council areas, but for some of the largest
local authorities, there would be two or (exceptionally) three
constituencies;
- on grounds of simplicity and to
produce the most proportional outcomes, there will be a single top-up
constituency in each region, as in London;
- the top-up mechanism will have a
minimum threshold for party representation in an assembly of five per cent
of the vote, following the GLA precedent.
Other electoral matters
6.14 On other matters, the Government
generally proposes to follow the precedent of elections to the GLA, including
the holding of assembly elections every four years and qualification and
disqualification provisions for people seeking election to, and being members
of, a regional assembly. As with the GLA, there will be no bar on MPs, MEPs,
councillors or peers standing for election to regional assemblies. Successful
candidates will wish to consider whether they should resign from other positions
to which they had been elected, but whether they should do so would be a matter
for them and their party.
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